شناسه مطلب صحیفه
نمایش نسخه چاپی

Speech [The power of the clergy and the political, intellectual and religious services rendered by the Shi`ah `ulama']

Shaykh Ansari Mosque, Najaf, Iraq
The power of the clergy and the political, intellectual and religious services rendered by the Shi`ah `ulama'
Religious students, clergymen and Iranians residing in Iraq
جلد ۳ صحیفه امام خمینی (ره)، از صفحه ۲۳۲ تا صفحه ۲۵۹

 I seek refuge in God from the accursed Satan
In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful
I must firstly thank all the different strata of society; I must thank the various orders of the religious ministry in whichever country they may be- be they in
Iraq, in Iran or elsewhere- for showing such concern. I must thank everyone including the maraji` of Islam, may blessings last long; the learned `ulama' both in Iran, here in Iraq, or elsewhere, may esteem their esteem last long; the accomplished orators; the students, both from within the universities and from elsewhere; and those who have shown concern from various countries abroad- countries such as America, Europe and India for example. I thank them all and pray for their success and good health. I thank all of those who have shown their concern and have organized gatherings and I ask them to forgive me if, because of my old age, I have been unable to visit them or to participate in all of these gatherings. I hope that they will accept my apologies.

God's hidden favors

These kinds of affairs «2» are of no real importance; these things happen. Everyone experiences this kind of thing at some time. God, the Blessed and Exlated, shows His mercy in ways both manifest and hidden. He has a hidden beneficence of which we have no knowledge; a beneficence about which we are uninformed. It is because we are deficient with regard to knowledge, with regard to our deeds, and indeed in every respect that we grieve and make a fuss when these kinds of matters arise. We show no tolerance at such times. This is due to a lack of understanding on our part with regard to God the Exalted. If only we were aware of that hidden beneficence which God the blessed, the Most High shows toward his servants- And surely He is Gracious to His servants «3»- and if only we had a true understanding of these occurrences, then we would not show such a lack of tolerance in the face of such affairs- affairs which are indeed trivial and unimportant. We would realize that some kind of divine grace is involved in all this; that this is some form of guidance.

This world as the passage to the hereafter

This world is one through which we must pass. It is not a world in which to abide forever; it is a path. If we are able to tread this path correctly, as did God's prophets-" Juzna wa hiya khamidah" «4»- and we are able to travel this path safe and sound, then we shall attain salvation. But God forbid, should we slip and stumble along the path of this world, then the same will occur when we cross over the Sirat «5» in the Hereafter; there too we will stumble and run into problems. I pray that God, the Blessed and Exalted, may awaken us; that he may make us aware of those hidden blessings of which we are now unaware, so that God willing, we may succeed in attaining the stage of awareness attained by those who have grasped both the heights of divinity and the various stages of mankind- those who do not overestimate the world; who do not view the world as an independent entity; who do not regard their worldly ambitions as ends in themselves but instead regard this world as a means of reaching other places, of attaining other, higher forms of bliss and felicity. May God allow us to reach such higher stages. Indeed, we cannot perceive these higher stages. While here in this world we cannot fully comprehend the various stages which exist, the various worlds which exist, or the true magnitude of this world. How deceptive this world is- this world, which is the only world we have ever been able to see; a world which according to a tradition:" Ma nazarallahu ilayhi mundhu khalqih"; «6» a world of matter which God, the Blessed and Exalted, held in contempt after having created it, even though the little that they have so far been able to discover and to grasp shows this universe to be so stupendous that it lies beyond the powers of the human intellect. So far they have reached a stage where they have now realized the mind-boggling and inexplicable nature of this world of matter, yet this is a realization which will indeed grow in intensity as time goes by. They have so far been able to conclude that there are certain stars whose light takes six billion years, yes, six billion years to reach the earth. Such a figure is beyond our imagination. Some have written that if certain stars were to be split open, 500 million suns could be accommodated inside them; and there are some stars which are so big that were they to be placed at the sun's center, they would extend as far as the earth. This vastness, which is beyond human comprehension and which is inaccessible to human investigation, constitutes the cosmos of the `world'; it constitutes the meanest of worlds. Indeed, some of those who were acquainted with these matters used to say that this world has been designated as the `Earth' to reflect God's disdain toward the essential nature of this world. This world which is so vast and so immense is yet but the `Earth'; and the heavens, along with all that has so far been discovered to lie therein, are but the" nearest of heavens" according to the Qur'an which states:" Surely We have adorned the nearest heaven with an adornment, the stars." «7» Thus, the Qur'an speaks of the skies and all that lies within them as the" nearest" heaven; nothing yet having been discovered by man about the more distant heavens. But even so, despite such magnitude the tradition tells of how God, the Blessed, the Exalted," held the world in contempt" after He had created it; while the Qur'an speaks of the life of this world as but" a provision" (for a time). Indeed, life in the Hereafter is true life. That is where everything is really alive. We are not really in a state of life here; we are in a state of death. True life is to be found in the Hereafter- the next abode" that most surely is the life". «8» But we are not now able to grasp this fact.

Divine duties: God's favors to His servants

While we are here in this world, God, the Blessed and Exalted, has given us certain missions to accomplish. While here in this worldly existence, we have certain duties to fulfill- duties assigned to us by God, the Blessed and Exalted, to which we must attend. We must not neglect our religious duties. All religious duties are in fact blessings from God, blessings which we mistakenly regard as duties. They constitute blessings, whether they are individual duties assigned to train the individual and to enable him to mature- there being no other means of attaining maturity or of improving the self, and there being certain stages of human development which are unattainable other than by following this path- or whether they are social duties which we are obliged to fulfill, duties to which we must attend in order to regulate society. Both the prophets and the Qur'an have spoken of those things which concern the spirit, things which concern the different stages of understanding and which relate to the realms of the unseen. The traditions and the Holy Qur'an have spoken both of issues which concern individual duties and which play a part in man's development and maturation, and of political issues, economic issues; issues which concern society and are to do with the regulation and moral teaching of society. We, and all of mankind, have a duty to pay due attention to all of these stages, to all of these different levels of human development and we are not to concentrate solely on one aspect alone.

The role of the clergy in preserving Islam

Let me now discuss the sense of attachment that I feel toward all of the various fronts which serve Islam, be they those clerical fronts which have always served Islam from the beginning, or other fronts which are also now actively serving Islam; fronts which are composed of intellectuals and of those who are involved in politics. I am fond of all these fronts, but at the same time I have a grievance to voice against them all. Indeed, when any Muslim, any human being, sees how these people are serving humanity and the human cause, and therefore how they are serving Islam- the school of thought which has come to develop true human beings- he cannot help but feel a sense of attachment toward these people or groups; groups which are serving Islam either by their use of the pen or by taking certain actions. There is nothing wrong with him feeling this sense of attachment. But, nevertheless, there is a grievance which must be voiced against these various groups; a well-intentioned grievance. I have a complaint to make against those intellectual and academic groups and those students who are striving in the path of Islam- may God always assist them; and this complaint concerns their having overstepped the mark in some of the things they have written about the faqih, about fiqh, and about the `ulama' of Islam- a complaint about them having said things on occasion which were uncalled for. The people who have said these things do not mean ill. I know that on the whole it is not that those who want to serve Islam are spiteful and therefore say something out of bad faith, but rather they do so because they are insufficiently informed. Similarly, my knowledge of history is lacking. I am now eighty years old. I have been among academic circles for almost sixty years and have taken an active interest in current affairs for almost thirty years. I have also probed into the history of the last one hundred and odd years, but my knowledge of history prior to this time is slight. My knowledge of foregone eras, of bygone ages, of the period which stretches from the beginning of the Islamic era down to the recent past, is rather superficial. Nevertheless, even a cursory glance at past history reveals how the clergy have been the ones who have preserved this Islam in all of its dimensions. That is to say, the gnosticism of Islam has been preserved by the clergy; the philosophy of Islam has been preserved by the clergy; the ethics of Islam have been preserved by the clergy; the fiqh of Islam has been preserved by the clergy; the political precepts of Islam have been preserved by the clergy. All of these fields of knowledge have been preserved due to the painstaking efforts of those in the clergy. This rich science of fiqh that we now enjoy- the fiqh of Shi`ism being truly the most comprehensive in the world- is a set of religious laws, the exposition and analysis of which has been due to the efforts of the Shi`ah `ulama'. «9»
The fiqh of Shi`ah Islam is the most comprehensive of all the religious jurisprudence. There is not another set of religious laws in the world which is so comprehensive. Those religious laws outside Shi`ah Islam which were initially divine laws and which, like the fiqh of Shi`ah Islam, were also comprehensive at one time, have not survived. They have been substituted by terrestrial laws, laws which have been devised by the earth's inhabitants, by people whose understanding is so little that traditions relate how the human brain would not even satisfy the appetite of a sparrow. «10» Yes, these terrestrial laws have sprung from such brains, or more precisely from those brains which function correctly, for those which do not function correctly are indeed void of knowledge, period. All of these man-made laws are defective. These laws are defective regardless of where they may have been devised; and moreover, they are laws which have been devised to suit a particular environment, or a particular situation. They have been devised to regulate the affairs of a particular country, for example or to regulate the political relations between one country and another; but apart from this, their laws serve no other purpose. The place where other laws can be found, laws to suit all purposes, is in Islam; and the most comprehensive of Islamic fiqh, is that which is found in Shi`ah Islam. The fiqh of Shi`ah Islam is unique in the world- it is not to be found among other Muslim sects, may God increase them in number, nor is it to be found elsewhere, among the non-Muslims. And this fiqh has developed because of the painstaking efforts made by the Shi`ah `ulama''. From the advent of Islam, that is, throughout the Prophet's lifetime and after that, during the time of the Immaculate Imams, peace be upon them, it was these Shi`ah `ulama' who would gather around the latter and would record the Islamic precepts narrated to them. Subsequently, the `ulama' compiled four hundred different works from these recorded utterances; works which became known as the Usoul [the Principles]. «11» Later still, various compendiums were made from these Usoul, such as Al-Kutub al-Arba`ah. «12»
These have all been the results of efforts made by the Shi`ah `ulama'. All of the different dimensions of Islam and the Qur'an, those dimensions which can be grasped by man's narrow understanding that is, have been preserved and expounded by the `ulama', by these" bearded men who wear turbans", to quote the words of these intellectuals and academics. It is the `ulama' who have managed to keep Islam alive until the present. It is they who have written books on any topic you care to mention; on the subject of theology; on the science of Islam; on Islamic sciences; and it is they who have taken great pains to this end thus enabling the fruits of their labor to now be passed on to this present-day clerical order.

`Ulama's compromise with the kings for the sake of Shi`ism's propagation

With regard to political affairs, as I mentioned before, my knowledge of history is slight and I can no longer remember everything that I may have read or seen in the past; but even so, the history of the past one hundred years or so is something which is known to us all. If we were to go back a little further in time however, we would see how a certain section of the `ulama' had made self-sacrifices and had had connections with certain kings.
Although these `ulama' could see that the people disapproved of this situation, they still had connections with the kings of the time; but they did this in order to propagate faith, to propagate Shi`ah Islam, and to propagate the religion of Truth, for whether they liked it or not, the kings were obliged by these `ulama' to go along with the propagation of faith, of religious faith, of the faith of Shi`ism. Thus, these were not akhounds of the Royal Court, as some of our writers mistakenly claim. On the contrary, it was the kings who followed and paid allegiance to the `ulama'. The sanctum of Shah Sultan Husayn «13» can still be seen in the Chahar Bagh Madrasah in Isfahan «14» even today; and it was they, the `ulama' who led him to use such a chamber. It wasn't a case of him holding sway over the `ulama'. There were political motives behind the `ulama's behavior; there were religious motives. Thus, when one hears for example that Majlisi, «15» Muhaqqiq ath-Thani, «16» or Shaykh Baha'i, «17» may God be well pleased with them, held ties with the kings of their time, that they cooperated with them and accompanied them, one must not assume that the `ulama's continued attachment to the court was for the sake of obtaining position and status and that they were in need of some favor or other to be bestowed upon them by Shah Sultan Husayn and Shah `Abbas! This was not at all the case. These `ulama' made self-sacrifices; they both sacrificed and struggled against the self so that they could propagate this religion of Islam by means of the kings themselves. These `ulama' even managed to continue their crusade to preserve Islam and the Shi`ah faith within an environment where cursing the Commander of the Faithful (Imam `Ali (`a))was a common occurrence and at a time when there was no mention or sign of Shi`ism. I even heard somewhere that once, when the authorities had decided to desist from making such curses against the Imam, people from an Iranian city requested permission to continue with this practice for a further six months. Yet in spite of such difficult circumstances and such a hostile environment, the `ulama' continued with their struggle. They humbled themselves before the people and continued with their mission although the latter at that time were hostile toward them- a hostility which probably stemmed from the people's ignorance.
Similarly, today, if anyone objects to and criticizes the `ulama' it is because they are not aware of the facts. It is not that they cherish a grudge against the `ulama', but rather it is a case of them not understanding the situation. At the time of the Immaculate Imams the case was the same. People were unaware of what was really going on and wrongly accused the `ulama'- `ulama' such as `Ali ibn Yaqtin who served as a minister of the Royal Court; or even the Commander of the Faithful (`a), he too can be cited as such an example. For twenty-odd years the Commander of the Faithful joined in with the rulers of the land when they performed their prayers and he paid them his allegiance. «18» But he did these things for the good of Islam, because there were certain benefits to be gained for Islam which overrode these side-issues. The other Immaculate Imams (`a) also fraternized with the sultan of the day at times; but when this was an impossibility then they behaved otherwise. The interests of Islam are of far more importance than we imagine. They override any other concern that we may consider important. The reason that you now criticize these `ulama' who put their lives in danger for a certain cause and who were forced in the past to behave in a certain manner to this end, is because you are unaware of the truth of the matter. It is not that you bear malice or have bad intentions; it is that you are unaware of the actual facts. If I thought I could guide an unjust sultan to the straight path, then I too would fraternize with the king. You too would have a duty to do the same if, as a result, you could reform an unjust, cruel sultan. It is not a question of being attached to the court; it is a question of reforming individuals. These `ulama' did not join the Royal Court as such, instead their intention was to reform individuals; and I therefore have a grievance to voice against those who state otherwise.

The clergy at the forefront of the uprisings and movements

So far I have discussed the `ulama' with regard to fiqh and concerning their association with the authorities of the day, and I have done so to the best of my knowledge. Now, I shall turn to political aspects and to the `ulama's involvement in the political affairs of recent history; and again I shall discuss this matter to the best of my knowledge. One of the movements that occurred during the past one hundred years or so in opposition to certain things which were detrimental to Islam, was the movement concerning the tobacco issue «19»- an issue with which you are all familiar. The great Mirza Shirazi, may God rest his soul, issued a decree of prohibition and, led by Mirza Ashtiyani «20» in Tehran, the `ulama' of Iran, the `ulama' from all over Iran, may God rest their souls, embarked on their crusade, rescuing the fallen Iranian government as a result. The government had collapsed because of a certain few who had sought revelry and pleasure and who had wanted to peddle the wares of the country. These people had sold Iran to the foreigners. Hence, Mirza Shirazi, may Allah be pleased with him, issued a decree and the other `ulama' of Iran, in obeying this decree, laid their lives on the line. They endured hardships, went to great lengths, rose up in opposition and persuaded the rest of the people to rise up, until eventually the tobacco concession was annulled. So much for the movement which fought against despotic rule. As for the fight for constitutionalism, this involved a movement which in fact sprung from Najaf and which once more was pioneered by the `ulama'. «21» Here again, the `ulama' in Iran rose up against despotic rule, against ruthless despots who did as they pleased and killed as they pleased On one occasion, a group of poor soldiers who were not even given bread to eat, had assembled in the street to protest. At the same time, His Majesty was passing by in the royal carriage on his way to pay a visit to the shrine of Hadrat `Abdul-`Azim. At this point, one of the aforesaid soldiers threw a stone. According to historical accounts, these soldiers were brought before the king as a result, and the latter ordered for their execution! A great number of soldiers were therefore executed, until someone known as Mustawfi al-Mamalik «22» interceded and spoke out against these measures taken by the king. These are the kind of despotic people, the kind of despotic kings they were. Muhammad `Ali Mirza «23» was yet another of these despots, and indeed everyone is aware of the kind of person, the kind of beast he was. Other kings have also been the same. And it was this kind of despotism that the `ulama' rose up against at the time when they formed a movement in the struggle for constitutionalism. They were the ones who, more than anyone else, wanted to achieve constitutional rule; but they did not succeed in this.
No, they were unsuccessful. Had they succeeded, all would have been well, but they were unable to do so. This was through no fault of their own however. Indeed, they tried their best, and because of their efforts the resultant situation was at least an improvement on the former state of affairs when those in authority were unaccountable for their deeds. Things did not turn out as the `ulama' had wanted though, because even though the `ulama's efforts had brought about the drafting of the Supplementary Constitutional Laws, these were not in fact adhered to. This present-day government of Iran is unsanctioned; it is illegal. These parliamentary deputies in Iran are illegal; they are not sanctioned. According to the laws of the Constitution, this present-day Majlis is not sanctioned. The Constitution states that the Majlis of Iran must lie under the supervision of five fuqaha; but can even one such person now be found to occupy such a role? Indeed, can any kind of supervision of the Majlis be seen to exist at all? Is there any kind of true popular representation there at all? Or is it a Majlis which has been set up without popular approval? Yes, it is a case of it having been forcibly installed. Therefore, we see that although the `ulama' tried their utmost to achieve constitutionalism, they were prevented from doing so. Having said that, it was nevertheless the clergy who, as always, were the vanguards of the movement and who brought about changes, albeit ones which fell short of their initial objectives. Once again it was the clergy's endeavors which were paramount, other forces playing a supportive role only. Needless to say, others did in fact play a part in this movement, but as ever, it was the clergy who were in the forefront.

The struggles of the `ulama' in Iraq

Again, what would have happened had the `ulama' not engaged in combat in Iraq? «24» On this occasion, the son of the Sayyid «25» was killed in the war; the son of the late Sayyid Muhammad Kazim «26» was killed in the war. Yes, the `ulama' there, in Iraq, shouldered arms and went into combat. The late Mr. Sayyid Muhammad Taqi Khwansari, «27» may Allah be pleased with him, was imprisoned; that is, he was taken captive along with a number of others and was sent abroad. He himself told of how they were counted one by one as they were handed over by the foreigners into the custody of others, and of how the latter explained to him that this was a precaution which had to be taken for his own safety since it was believed that cannibalism was practiced by the inhabitants of that region. During this period, it was the second Mirza Shirazi, that outstanding personality, that great man who shone both in learning and in deeds, who rescued the country of Iraq. He issued the order for jihad and called on the people to participate in this crusade. People therefore responded to this call, for at that time, unlike today, people used to take their lead from the `ulama'. Hence, in answering the call to war made by Mirza Shirazi, the people fought; they gave lives and battled on throughout the traumas of the crusade until they eventually won back Iraq's independence. Had it not been for their efforts we would now be captives; we would now be a British colony; but yet again, the vigorous efforts of the `ulama' saved the day.
The reason why certain `ulama' in Iraq were sent into exile in Iran was because of their opposition to foreign forces. The late Messrs Sayyid Abou'l-Hasan, «28» Na`ini, «29» Shahrestani, «30» and Khalisi «31» were all sent into exile in Iraq because they spoke out against these forces and their agents; and I myself can vouch for this.

The clergy's struggles at the time of Rida Khan

Again, at the time of that man from Siyahkou, that abhorrent ruffian Rida Khan, the `ulama' once more rose up and this time they did so in the city of Isfahan. «32» I was present on this occasion. Both the `ulama' from Isfahan and those from other Iranian cities, converged on Qum where they assembled and rebelled against the regime. However, the regime resorted to trickery and the movement was crushed. Whether defeat in fact resulted from the regime's trickery or whether it was due to other factors, the point is that it was indeed defeated. Yet another movement was embarked upon by the `ulama' of Khorasan. «33» The late Messrs Aqazadeh «34» and Sayyid Younus «35» along with other of their contemporaries, were arrested and taken to Tehran where they were imprisoned. I myself saw how the late Aqazadeh, may Allah be pleased with him, was seated on the ground with his turban removed, and how no one was allowed to go near him. He was led through the streets in this state, with his turban removed, and was taken to a court of law where he was tried. Throughout the whole of this time however, there was no sign of these political parties. These parties were not at all in evidence during these uprisings which were staged by the `ulama'. Yes, they existed, but they were inert.
Azerbaijan «36» was the spring-board of yet another movement during which the late Messrs Mirza Sadiq Aqa «37» and Angaji «38» were arrested and exiled for their participation in this campaign. Following a long period in exile, the late Mirza Sadiq Aqa never actually returned to Azerbaijan although he was held in high regard by the people there. Instead however, he came to Qum where I would occasionally pay him a visit and where he in fact remained until the end of his life.

Mudarris' resistance against Rida Khan's oppression

Someone else with whom I was acquainted, was the late Mudarris, may he rest in peace. He was yet another `alim who stood in confrontation against oppression, against of the oppression of that man from Siyahkouh, that ruffian Rida Khan. He stood up in opposition in the Majlis Other `ulama' had sent him to Tehran as a leading representative of theirs, yet he traveled to Tehran in a horse-drawn carriage. According to a reliable source, Mudarris had bought this carriage in Qum, and had personally ridden the horse several times during his journey to Tehran. Having reached the capital, he bought a modest house in which to live, where I would often go to visit him. I visited Mudarris, may Allah be pleased with him, regularly. He was the most popular Member of Parliament in Tehran. He used to stand alone and fearlessly speak out against oppression; and he enjoyed a following which included people like Malik ash-Shu`ara'. «39» But in spite of this following, it was he who stood up and spoke out against oppression and against the injustices committed by that man (Rida Khan).
This all happened during the time when the Russian government had sent an ultimatum to Iran and when its soldiers had entered Iran, advancing as far as Qazvin. I can't remember exactly what it was that Russia wanted from Iran, but it is documented in history, and it concerns a matter which would have more or less reduced Iran to servitude; a matter which the Russians insisted on being ratified in the Iranian Majlis. The matter was taken to the Majlis and everyone there was at a loss as to what course of action they should take, hence, they remained silent in their stupor. A foreign journal recounts how a clergyman came and stood at the back of the speaker's platform, his hands trembling from age and infirmity; and the journal quotes him as saying something along these lines:" It may be the will of Allah that our liberty and sovereignty shall be taken away from us by force, but let us not sign them away with our own hands," He then cast a negative vote, and others, finding courage, followed suit, thus dismissing the ultimatum. As for the Russians, there wasn't a damned thing they could do about it. «40» This is the policy politicians usually follow. Firstly they play the bogeyman to see how their opponent reacts. Should their opponent stand up and confront them, then they beat a retreat; but should the poor opponent step back, then they close in. Animals also behave in this way. An animal also has this property, whereby it comes forward at first to sass out its opponent. If the latter takes the offensive, then the animal runs away; but if its opponent flees, then the animal chases after it. This is normal practice for an animal. And so we see what a fearless opponent this clergyman, Mudarris, was. He was someone who would stand up to a great power, who confronted a power as great as Russia. He was someone who, to quote the aforementioned journal, stood up with trembling hands and said:" It may well be the will of Allah that our liberty and sovereignty shall be taken away from us by force, but let us not sign them away with our own hands." He then cast a negative vote; and others, finding courage, did the same. Now, wouldn't you say that this clergyman is worthy of appreciation? And what about these past movements and this recent movement which led to the event of Khordad 15 and again, all of those lives given by the people? During the movement of Khordad 15, it was the religious scholars who were at the forefront; it was the `ulama'; and this has continued to be the case right down to the present. Even now it is the religious scholars who create uproar and make their voices heard more than anyone else. Of course some of those from the university are also now involved in this struggle; they too are playing a part in the movement as are the rest of the people. But it is the `ulama' that they follow and not anyone else. A great number of the `ulama' from Tehran have been imprisoned by the regime; many of the preachers and the `ulama' have been arrested and sent to prison where they have been kept for several days and where they have undergone persecution. «41»

Invalidity of the theory, Islam without the clergy

My good men, you are mistaken in believing that you want Islam but not the mullah. How can you have Islam without the mullah? Again, it is these very mullahs who step forward and who get things done. It is they who sacrifice their lives. Even now some of our mullahs are in prison; some of our `ulama', our self-sacrificing `ulama', are in prison as we speak, refusing to give in to these acts of oppression. They are approached by agents of the regime who ask them to express regret for their actions, but they do not comply. The things I have so far discussed are just some of the things that I have personally witnessed during my lifetime, many other such things having by now escaped my memory; and as for incidents from an earlier period in history, since I am no historian I am not really in a position to discuss them. However, with regard to the grievance I wish to voice against these intellectuals, I would ask them not to brush aside this powerful force which has the support of the nation; and not to dismiss the `ulama' arguing that:" We want Islam, but we don't want the mullah". This is against reason; it does not make political sense. You must welcome the `ulama' with open arms; and should they be found wanting in their knowledge of political affairs, then come together and give them the political instruction they need. The relationship they have with the people is much better than yours. They command a greater influence over the people than you do, indeed, you have no such influence. They are influential among the people. Each mullah carries weight within his own parish. Those of you, who are concerned about Islam and who say that you want Islam, are not to say that you want Islam but that you don't want the akhound. You should say that you want Islam and that you want the akhound too.
If an akhound is unaware of certain political issues for example, then you are to make a joint effort to help him. You are to teach him about these political issues so that he may then practice what he has learnt, and as a result, is able to retain the nation's support thus enabling you to administer the country. If you want to engage in struggle alone, without assistance from the akhound, then you will remain oppressed by others till doomsday. You are to come together, to unite, to be brothers together. Don't spurn those within the clergy. The latter constitute an imperishable force; they constitute the power of the nation.
Therefore, do not brush the power of the nation aside by saying that you don't want to have anything to do with the clergy. No matter how much you may say this, the fact remains that the people certainly do want the clergy to be involved. You are but an isolated group compared to the rest of the people, people who indeed want the `ulama' to be involved in things. People such as those in the bazaar or the ordinary man in the street, they all want the `ulama' to be involved. Therefore, while I feel a sense of attachment and fondness toward certain intellectuals- intellectuals who serve Islam, and in particular those who are abroad, those in America, Europe and India for example, with whom I correspond and who are at the service of Islam, who want to serve Islam, who have a love of Islam, and who want to eliminate oppression, on occasion having firmly resolved certain difficulties which have arisen abroad in the past- at the same time, I believe that they should not disregard those services rendered by the `ulama' of Islam and the akhounds, arguing that" We want Islam minus the akhound". Don't you see that this is not possible? Islam and the akhound are inseparable entities. To say" We want Islam minus the akhound", is like saying" We want Islam, but an Islam which does not concern itself with politics". Indeed, this is the extent to which Islam and the akhound are intertwined. There is no way that you could have Islam without the akhound. The Holy Prophet (s) was also an akhound; he was one of the greatest akhounds of all time. The Prophet was the akhound above all akhounds. And Hadrat Ja`far as-Sadiq (`a), he too was an `alim of Islam. These men were the fuqaha of Islam; they stand supreme among the fuqaha of Islam. So how on earth can you now say" I don't want the akhound"?! Indeed, this is why I nurse a grievance against these intellectuals.
However, I also have a complaint to make against the honorable gentlemen of the clergy. They too are guilty of overlooking many factors. They too, because of their purity of heart, are influenced by the malicious propaganda which is put out by the regime. The latter dreams up some machination or other daily. It continually makes an issue out of nothing so that the prime cause of our suffering will be overlooked and the `ulama' will become inattentive. That is to say, there are certain elements which often purposely create a sensation, thus causing some predicament or other to arise. Every so often some kind of trouble crops up in Iran; and at such times, instead of the honorable preachers, the learned `ulama', concerning themselves with the political matters found in Islam, with the economic matters found in Islam, they spend their time talking about" this person" being a heathen," that person" being an apostate, and" so-and-so" being a Wahhabi. They accuse the scholar who has toiled hard for fifty years, and whose knowledge of fiqh is more thorough than that of the majority of themselves, of being a Wahhabi. «42» But it is wrong of them to say such things. You are not to create a rift between yourselves. If you continually reject people one by one by saying that this person is a Wahhabi, that person is an unbeliever, and so-and-so is whatever, then at the end of the day who will remain?

Two lessons from the Prophet (s)

I mentioned earlier that I am no expert as far as history is concerned, but nevertheless there are certain things which I have seen or heard in the past and have committed to memory. One such thing concerns something which the Noble Prophet, may peace and blessings be upon him and his family, did following his capture of Hunayn; something from which two lessons can be learned for those who are keen to understand. On the occasion in question the Noble Prophet did two things: firstly, according to historical accounts, when he heard that one of the leaders of these unbelievers had got away and fled to Jeddah and that he had boarded a boat there with the intention of escaping, the Prophet handed his `aba [cloak] to someone, ordering for it to be taken to the escapee and for the latter to be brought back for he had been spared; «43» and secondly, he again behaved in a similar manner with Abou Sufyan «44» (and later with Abou Sufyan's offspring), a person who throughout his whole life continually refused to accept the faith of Islam. Thus, when the spoils which had been won during the Battle of Hunayn were brought forward for distribution, in spite of all that this Abou Sufyan and those pagans of the Quraysh had done in the past, the Prophet gave generously to them all, giving as many as a hundred camels to one, three hundred camels to another, and goodness knows how many camels and other things to the rest. And he did this even though he knew that they were pagans; even though he was well aware of them being polytheists. As a result however, the devotees protested that their own share of the spoils had been inadequate and that these unbelievers had been too greedy. In reply to these protests the Prophet said:" They (the unbelievers) have taken camels away with them whereas you have got me with you. Wouldn't you prefer to have the Prophet of God with you rather than some camels?!" «45»
Hence, we see what a noble person this man was. Irrespective of his prophetic role, we can see what an exalted mind he had. And at the same time we see how the beneficence shown by the Prophet toward the pagans of the Quraysh led the latter, who were probably impure at heart, to at least make an outward appearance of being Muslim, and to therefore join the fold of Islam. Furthermore, we see how admirably, how marvelously, the Prophet replied to those who voiced protest, thus making them content.

The necessity of the clergy's attention to the intellectuals

Returning to the present-day situation, if some patent error is to be found in the work of those who are currently striving for the sake of Islam, and who are writing material to this end, then you are to rectify this error. As ones who are learned, you are to rectify this error and are not to ostracize the persons concerned. Do not drive them away. Indeed, today we need the support of as many people as possible. Right now, we are to make the most of every single person. At times like this, when whatever the regime writes is against us; when all its measures and propaganda are aimed against us; when neither the press nor the radio are free to convey our message or to broadcast even one word of our argument; at a time when our hands our bound and we have been placed in a strait-jacket whereby we cannot get our message across and have no means of propagation at our disposal; indeed, we need every single person we can get. Therefore, even supposing that there are a few mistakes to be found in the work of those who are writing to promote Shi`ism, you are to rectify these mistakes. Do not ostracize these people; do not drive them away. Do not reject those from the university. These are the people in whose hands this country's destiny will lie in the future. It is not you who will become a government minister in the future. You and I are not the country's future ministers. We are in a different profession. Tomorrow, this country's destiny will lie in the hands of these people from the university. It is they who will become Members of Parliament, government ministers or whatever. Therefore, you are to be on friendly terms with these people. Do not persist in your rejection of them. Do not continue to mount the pulpit and denounce them. Mount the pulpit and advise them instead of reviling them. Where will reviling people get you? Advise them. Welcome these credit-worthy fronts which are currently active. Like yourselves, their members have also suffered imprisonment and persecution; they too have suffered exile; they too have been forced to live abroad and are afraid to return to their own country. If you ostracize those who are currently writing and publishing material abroad on Islamic and religious issues, then tomorrow, should the country's destiny fall into the hands of some of these people, what will they do with the future generation of akhounds having been tormented so by akhounds in the past? Everyone must join hands together.

The meaning of the Shah's regime's `land reforms' law

Both the country of Iran and the Islamic countries as a whole, of which Iran is but a member, are hovering on the brink of a disaster. God knows how distressed and worried I sometimes become when I think of how many days Iran would be able to survive on its own supplies, if, God forbid, it should become involved in a war. Experts say that were these `supplier countries' to cut their supplies to Iran, then the latter would only be able to sustain itself for a thirty-three-day period. Yet what kind of a country are we talking about here? We are in fact talking of an Iran whose province of Khorasan alone was capable of supplying the country's needs all year round, in addition to producing a surplus for export to others. Yes, just one of its provinces- the province of Khorasan. But what did they do? They went and implemented land reforms! They implemented those damned land reforms, and as a result all the land has been taken from the people and we have now reached a stage where Iran's total agricultural produce is enough to suffice for a mere thirty-three-day period- if the published figures are accurate that is, otherwise the period could in fact be even shorter still.
What would happen if, for just one day, these ships and those people «46» who have built a market here in which to sell their goods did not come to Iran? Yes indeed, that is what `land reforms' actually means: the opening up of a market here for use by foreign countries. These countries have been known to have poured wheat into the sea in the past; they have had a wheat surplus and so they have poured it into the sea. «47» But why should they do this when instead they can implement `land reforms' in Iran and export this wheat surplus to her, receiving cash payment in return? They have left our agriculture in a paralyzed state, everything now coming to us from there, from abroad. Just take a look at the various journals. In them you can sometimes see with what swelling pride the government boastfully brags about how much wheat it has imported, how much barley it has imported and so on. But you bungling idiots, don't you see this is in fact something of which you should be ashamed! You are the ones who should be exporting wheat. You are the ones whose province of Azerbaijan alone was once enough to supply you with all of your agricultural needs as well as producing a surplus for you to export. Yet now you sit and boast about being the ones who have to import goods! Yes indeed, you should be ashamed of these `land reforms' of yours and of whatever other `reforms' you have brought about.

The need for collaboration between the clergy and the intellectuals

To return to my grievance against the honorable gentlemen of the clergy, I ask them not to divorce these other fronts from themselves, but instead to bring all the different fronts together. Moreover, those in the clergy must value this group of people who are striving in the path of Islam and who are writing material to this end. They (the clergy) must make use of these people. My good men of the clergy, extend the right hand of fellowship. Do not talk of a deprave, libertine university and do not continually divorce other fronts from yourselves. And the same goes for the members of other fronts; they too must not divorce the clergy from themselves by saying, for example, that they are reactionaries and old-fashioned. In what way can the akhound be said to be reactionary? How can the akhound be said to be reactionary when he stands as a forerunner of progress? Thus, we have a situation where one front accuses the clergy of reactionism and so on, while another front makes defamatory statements about those in the university saying so-and-so is an atheist and so on. But this is totally wrong.
Both fronts are to extend a brotherly hand to each other, so go ahead and do this and set out a joint course of action which you can both follow. Today we have been presented with an opportunity. Iran would not be in the terrible state it is now if this were not the case. This is an opportunity which has been granted us and which, if capitalized upon, presents us with an ideal opportunity. The gentlemen must avail themselves of this opportunity. They must protest in writing. Some writers from certain parties are already busy making such written protests to which they are also adding their signatures. Such people write, air their views and sign their work. «48» You are to do the same, and you are to get a hundred `ulama' to sign your work. You must hammer the message home; you must come out with the problems which are facing Iran. Now is the time to say these things; and if you do so then you will achieve results. However, my concern is that should this opportunity be wasted and should this man's «49» position be strengthened, then the regime will come down on the people so hard that they won't know what hit them; and it is you clergymen who will bear the brunt of this attack. This is what is worrying me. Therefore, do not waste this opportunity. All fronts must unite and write about the problems facing Iran. Announce them to the world. If it is not possible to do so in Iran, then send what you have written abroad; they will publish it there for you. Somehow send your work here( abroad )and we will send it to be published. Get your criticisms down on paper; protest against the regime itself as others have We ourselves have seen how several people have already criticized the regime in writing; we have seen how they have got away with saying many things to which they have given their signature. This is an opportunity not to be missed so do not let it slip by. «50» The regime in Iran is now doing its best to straighten things out with the imperialist powers. It is seeking to fully establish its puppet status with these powers once and for all, for it has not yet been given their full assurance on this. It is therefore busy making plans either to bring the representatives of these powers over here or for its own representatives to go there or whatever in order to straighten things out for good. «51» And my worry is that, God forbid, should this opportunity be lost, and should this regime receive the assurance it is seeking from the imperialist powers, then unlike former times, untold damage will be inflicted upon Islam.
I beseech Almighty God to grant success to you all; and to grant glory to Islam. O God, in the name of the Immaculate Imams, exalt Islam; bestow dignity and greatness upon it; awaken us from the slumber of ignorance; bring together all of our different fronts; and enable us to speak with one voice. May God's peace mercy and blessings be upon you.
«۱»- In Sahifeh-ye Nour (۲۲-volume), vol.۱, p.۲۵۵ and in the new edition, vol.۱, p.۴۲۷, the date of the present speech is given as December ۳۱,۱۹۷۷ [Dey ۱۰,۱۳۵۶ AHS]. «۲»- It refers to the martyrdom of Haj Aqa Mustafa Khomeini (۱۹۳۰-۱۹۷۷/۱۳۰۹-۱۳۵۶ AHS), Imam's eldest son, who began studying Islamic sciences at the age of fifteen and attained the level of ijtihad at the age of twenty-seven. He became an expert in Islamic sciences in his youth, his teachers being Imam himself, Ayatullah Buroujerdi and Haj Sayyid Muhammad Damad. On November ۴,۱۹۶۴ [Aban ۱۳,۱۳۴۳ AHS], he was arrested on the orders of the regime and imprisoned in Qezel Qal`ah prison for fifty-seven days. After his release, he went to Qum, where he was given a grandiose welcome by the clerics and people there. Hujjat al-Islam Haj Sayyid Ahmad Khomeini who was present during a telephone conversation between Mawlawi- the head of SAVAK in Tehran- and Haj Aqa Mustafa, relates the story of the latter's release and his expulsion from Iran to Turkey as follows:" In prison, the head of SAVAK in Tehran proposed that they would release Mustafa on condition that a few days later he would leave the country to join his father in Turkey. Haj Aqa Mustafa at first agreed to do this, but upon being released he met with his mother who advised him that such an action was not right and thus he decided to remain in Iran. When Colonel Mawlawi found out about this, he telephoned Haj Aqa Mustafa and while uttering obscenities and abuse, he threatened him. My brother answered him in a similarly harsh tone. At ۱۰ am the following morning (January ۳,۱۹۶۵/Dey ۱۳,۱۳۴۳ AHS) he was arrested again and sent into exile first in Turkey and later in Iraq along with Imam. Haj Aqa Mustafa, like his distinguished father, was of an uncompromising nature and he believed that in order to sweep away the Pahlavi regime, an all-encompassing uprising was required, and he himself took great pains to realize this. However, in ۱۹۶۹ [۱۳۴۸ AHS], the Iraqi secret police, who were keeping a close eye on things, arrested him and took him to the presidential palace in Baghdad. Hasan al-Bakr, the Iraqi President of the time, who was well aware of Haj Mustafa's secret meetings with Ayatullah Hakim, threatened Haj Mustafa and then suggested that he embark on a struggle against the regime in Iran with the help of the Iraqi Ba`athist regime. Although Haj Mustafa rejected this proposal of cooperation, nevertheless the Shah's regime began a propaganda campaign against him in Iran, accusing him of collaboration with the Iraqi government. Haj Aqa Mustafa was martyred on November ۲۳,۱۹۷۷ [Azar ۲,۱۳۵۶ AHS] at the age of forty-seven, just over a year before the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran." «۳»- It refers to Sourah ash-Shoura ۴۲:۱۹:" Gracious is God to His servants. He gives sustenance to whom He pleases, and He has power and can carry out His will." «۴»- It is transmitted in a tradition that one of the Imams (`a) was asked to explain the meaning of Sourah Maryam ۱۹:۷۱:" Not one of you but will pass over it. This is with thy Lord a decree which must be accomplished." He said:" We were allowed to pass through Hell while the fire was out." Refer to `Ilm al-Yaqin, vol.۲, p.۹۷۱. «۵»- : a kind of bridge which only the righteous can cross on the road to Paradise. «۶»- Imam `Ali, in denouncing the world, said:" The world has no value or esteem before God, the Glorious and Dignified, and from among all that He has created and we can perceive, nothing is more odious in the sight of God than the world; and from the time that He created it, He has not looked upon it." Kanz al-`Ummal, vol.۳, p.۲۱۴. «۷»- Sourah as-Saffat ۳۷:۶. «۸»- Sourah al-`Ankabout ۲۹:۶۴. «۹»- Deducing secondary aspects [furou`] from the principles and fundamentals [usoul] of Islam.   «۱۰»- A saying from Imam as-Sadiq:" Oh son of Adam, if a bird were to eat your brain, it would not be satiated." Refer to the book, Usoul al-Kafi, vol.۱, p.۱۲۶.   «۱۱»- A large number of the disciples and students of Imam as-Sadiq wrote down his replies to various questions and collected them together in book form. These sayings, which fill four hundred volumes, later became famous as Usoul al-Arba`ami'ah. Shahid al-Awwal in his book Dhikrah and Muhaqqiq Hilli in his book Mu`tabar and a number of other writers in their literary works have explained certain factors concerning the above-mentioned principles [usoul]. A number of these principles were used by the authors of al-Kutub al-Arba`ah in their compositions, and some of them have not yet been explained. Refer to al-Mu`tabar fi Sharh al-Muktasar, p. ۱۵ and Dirasa Hawl al-Usoul al-Arba`ami'ah, p.۱۲.   «۱۲»- Al-Kutub al-Arba`ah [The Four Books] are the most reputable of the Shi`ah hadith sources. These books are al-Kafi fi `Ilm ad-Din [The Sufficient in the Knowledge of Religion] by Thiqat al-Islam Muhammad ibn Ya`qoub al-Kulayni (d.۹۴۰ CE); Man la Yahduruhu al-Faqih [For Him Not in the Presence of a Jurisprudent] by Shaykh as-Sadouq Muhammad ibn Babouyah al-Qummi (d.۹۹۱ CE); Tahdhib al-Ahkam [Rectification of the Statutes] by Shaykh at-Ta'ifah Muhammad at-Tousi (d.۱۰۶۸ CE) and al-Istibsar fi ma Ukhtulif fihi min al-Akhbar [Reflection upon the Disputed Traditions] also by at-Tousi.   «۱۳»- Among the rooms of the Chahar Bagh Madrasah the first room in the north-west wing is a special room famous as the Shah Sultan Husayn room. Shah Husayn (۱۶۸۸- ۷۲۶), one of the Safavid rulers, spent a lot of his time in this room in consultation with the great `ulama' of his time.   «۱۴»- The Chahar Bagh Madrasah which is also famous as the" Shah's Mother's" Madrasah was built during the Safavid era on the orders of Shah Sultan Husayn.   «۱۵»- Muhammad Baqir Majlisi (۱۶۲۵/۶-۱۶۹۸/۹), commonly known as" the Second Majlisi", was one of the great Shi`ah `ulama' and transmitters of Prophetic traditions during the Safavid period. He compiled more than sixty books, the most famous of which is his Bihar al-Anwar [Oceans of Lights], a monumental encyclopedia of traditions and narratives which attempts to present all Shi`ah traditions in a single work, classifying them by subject matter. Since its compilation, its value as the standard reference work for all Shi`ah studies can hardly be overemphasized. One indication of its popularity is that despite its enormous size, it was published twice in lithographed form in the nineteenth century. The modern edition of the work fills ۱۱۰ volumes of approximately ۴۰۰ pages each. His other works include: `Ayn al-Hayah; Mishkat al-Anwar; Hilyat al-Muttaqin; Hayawat al-Quloub; Tuhfa az-Zayir; Jala al-`Uyoun; Miqyas al-Masabih; Rabi` al-Asabi`; Zada al-Mu`ad; Haqq al-Yaqin. Majlisi lived during the Safavid era. His great personality and position among the Iranian Shi`ah and his sittings with the Safavid king, Shah Sultan Husayn Safavid (۱۶۸۸-۱۷۲۶), even though these lasted for only four years, constituted one of the causes of Iran's stability at the time and contributed toward the preservation of her territorial integrity. Not long after Majlisi's death, and due to the incompetence of the king, Iran fell into anarchy, Ghalzai Afghans took control of Isfahan, the Safavid capital, in ۱۷۲۲ and the south of the country fell under their control, while the Russians and Ottomans controlled the north. `Allamah Majlisi's grave is situated in the Jami` `Atiq of Isfahan. Refer to Danesh-e Muslimin, p.۲۲۲.   «۱۶»- Shaykh Zayn al-`Abidin Abou'l-Hasan `Ali ibn Husayn ibn `Abdul-`Ali known as `Muhaqqiq Karaki' or `Muhaqqiq ath-Thani' (d.۱۵۳۴ in Najaf) was one of the famous `ulama' of the Safavid period at the time of Shah Tahmasp (۱۵۲۴-۱۵۷۶) and held the position of Shaykh al-Islam or Chief Jurist-consult in Iran. His most important works include: Jami` al-Maqasid fi Sharh al-Qawa`id; and commentaries on Sharayi` al-Islam and Sharh al-Fih Shahid al-Awwal and the book Tahrir by `Allamah.   «۱۷»- Muhammad ibn Husayn `Amili known as Shaykh Baha'i was an outstanding scholar at the time of Shah `Abbas Safavid (۱۵۸۸-۱۶۲۹). He went to Iran from Lebanon in his youth with his father Husayn ibn `Abdus-Samad who himself was one of the Shi`ah `ulama'. He learnt fiqh, usoul, literature, the science of religious traditions and Qur'anic exposition from his father. He later benefited from the teachings of such scholars as Mulla `Abdullah Yazdi and when he himself reached the position of professor [ustadh], religious scholars such as Mulla Muhsin Fayd Kashani, Makki `Amili, Shaykh Muhammad Taqi Majlisi (the father of Muhammad Baqir Majlisi) and many others studied under him. Shaykh Baha'i was an expert in fiqh, mathematics, physics, mechanics and astrology. He was the author of ۸۸ books and treatises in Persian and Arabic. His most important works are: Jami` `Abbasi (concerning fiqh); Khulasah al-Hisab (mathematics); Tashrih al-Aflak (astrology); Kitab Arba`in; Kashkul (narratives, traditions, science and poems); Mathnawi Shir va Shikar; and Mathnawi Nan va Halva. He died in Isfahan and, according to his own will, was buried near Imam Rida's shrine.   «۱۸»- It refers to the three caliphs before Imam `Ali.   «۱۹»- In ۱۸۹۱, Nasiruddin Shah granted yet another in a long line of concessions he had already given to foreigners in return for money to satisfy court consumption and to finance his tours of Europe. This time, in return for a personal gift of twenty-five thousand pounds, an annual rent of fifteen thousand pounds to the state and a twenty-five percent share of the profits for Iran, one Major Gerald Talbot acquired a fifty-year monopoly over the distribution and exportation of tobacco. Akhtar [Star], a liberal Persian paper published in Istanbul at the time, expressed the general concern of Iranian merchants:" It is clear enough that the concessionaire will commence the work with a small capital and will purchase the tobacco from the cultivators and sell it to the merchants and manufacturers for higher prices, and all the profits will remain in the purse of the English. As the Persian merchants have no right to export tobacco from Persia, those who were formerly engaged in this trade will be obliged to give up their business and find some other work. The concessionaire does not take into consideration how many merchants who were engaged in this business will be left without employment and will suffer loss in finding other occupations." The clergymen and maraji` of the time immediately opposed the concession and demanded its cancellation. Ayatullah Mirza Shirazi, the maraji`-e taqlid, determined the destiny of this struggle. He issued a religious fatwa stating that the use of tobacco in whatever form was haram [forbidden] and was tantamount to declaring war with Imam az-Zaman (the Twelfth Imam). The bazaar in Shiraz, the main tobacco-growing region, shut down and a general strike of the leading bazaars particularly Tehran, Isfahan, Tabriz, Mashhad, Qazvin, Yazd and Kermanshah ensued which spread into a state-wide consumer's boycott. Ayatullah Shirazi's representative in Tehran, Mirza Hasan Ashtiyani, led the protest there. Hookahs were smashed and tobacco was set on fire as the consumer's boycott received support from practically all classes of Iranian society, even members of the royal harem. Consequently, Nasiruddin Shah, seeing his position threatened by this rebellion was forced to annul the concession and pay the penalty. See Nikki Keddie, Religion and Rebellion in Iran: The Tobacco Protest of ۱۸۹۱-۹۲.   «۲۰»- Mirza Hasan (or Muhammad Hasan) Ashtiyani (d.۱۹۰۲) was a famous mujtahid and one of the Usoulis* of Nasiruddin Shah's reign. He was a student of Shaykh Murtada Ansari and attained the level of ijtihad in Najaf. He came to Tehran in ۱۸۶۵ and began teaching the religious sciences. His grave is situated in Najaf. His works include: Kitab al-Waqf; Kitab al-Awani ath-Thahab wa'l-Fida and Kitab al-Qada. Refer to the Encyclopedia of Shi`ism, vol.۱, p. ۱۱۶.* The adversaries of the Akhbaris. They hold that the faqih may legitimately apply rational exertion to the solution of legal problems. The Iranian religious scholars have been overwhelmingly Usouli since the late ۱۸ th century. See Hamid Algar's Religion and State in Iran, ۱۷۸۵-۱۹۰۶ pp. ۳۳-۳۶.   «۲۱»- The Iranian constitutional movement (۱۹۰۵-۱۹۱۱) greatly benefited from the support and co-operation it received from such personalities as Akhound Mulla Muhammad Kazim Khorasani and Aqa Shaykh `Abdullah Mazandarani both maraji` of Najaf, and from Sayyid `Abdullah Behbahani and Sayyid Muhammad Tabataba'i, two of Tehran's prominent `ulama'. Akhound Khorasani issued a fatwa [decree] about the importance of the Constitution and in this way made the constitutional movement in Iran indebted to him. Shaykh `Abdullah Mazandarani was one of Akhound Khorasani's close associates throughout the movement. A proclamation issued by these two religious scholars read:" The Constitution of each country limits and conditions the will of the ruler and the offices of government so that the divine ordinances and common laws based on the official religion of the country are not transgressed."   «۲۲»- Mirza Yousuf Ashtiyani (۱۸۱۰-۱۸۸۶) known as" Mustawfi al-Mamalik" or" Aqa" was one of the leading personalities of the Qajar period. He was a noble, virtuous man who was a close associate of Mirza Taqi Khan (Amir Kabir).   «۲۳»- Muhammad `Ali Shah, the sixth monarch of the Qajar dynasty and the son of Muzaffaruddin Shah, ruled for only two years from January ۱۹۰۷ to July ۱۹۰۹. At the beginning of his rule he was sympathetic toward the demands of the constitutionalists. However, he soon began to oppose the movement. On June ۲۳, ۱۹۰۸, with the help of the Cossack Brigade commanded by its Russian colonel named Liakhoff, he staged a successful coup d'etat against the first Iranian Majlis; the Majlis building was bombarded and closed, and a number of political figures were arrested and executed including Malik al-Mutakallimin and Mirza Jahangir Khan, the editor of the paper Sour-e Israfil [Trumpet Call of Israfil]. Ayatullahs Behbahani and Tabataba'i, the two prominent `ulama' of the movement, were arrested and sent into exile. In ۱۹۰۹, as forces loyal to the constitutional movement converged on Tehran and the royalists fled in disarray, Muhammad `Ali Shah sought sanctuary in the Russian legation. Five hundred delegates, drawn from the dissolved parliament, from the Bakhtiyari and guerrilla forces, from the bazaar and from the liberals in the court, met promptly in Tehran and declared themselves a Grand Assembly. Functioning as a constituent body, the assembly deposed Muhammad `Ali Shah, nominated his twelve-year-old son, Ahmad, to be the new Shah, and elected `Add al-Malik, the aged but liberal ilkhan of the Qajar tribe, to serve as royal regent. Subsequently, Muhammad `Ali Shah sought refuge abroad. Throughout the reign of Muhammad `Ali Shah, the Russians directly interfered in the internal affairs of the country and were the instigators of many outrages. Among these was the bombardment of the holy shrine of Imam ar-Rida in Mashhad and the slaughter of a large number of Iranians there. See Ervand Abrahamian's, Iran Between Two Revolutions, Chapter Two.   «۲۴»- During the First World War, the Ottoman government sided with Germany against the armies of Britain and France. As the war spread to Iraq, which at the time formed part of the Ottoman Empire, and the situation became critical, the great Shi`ah `ulama' of the time, residing in Iraq, declared jihad against the British and eminent mujtahids and scores of religious students led the army in defense of their Islamic homeland. Mirza Muhammad Taqi Shirazi (d.۱۹۲۱) an important Shi`ah jurisprudent and marja` of the time, encouraged the people to rise up through his stirring proclamation in which he stressed the incumbency of jihad against the British. He was a leading force in the resistance staged by the Shi`ah `ulama' opposed to the imposition of British rule on Iraq at the end of World War I. Among other `ulama' who took part in the jihad the following can be cited: Mirza Shirazi's son; Ayatullah Sayyid Mustafa Kashani and his son Ayatullah Sayyid Abou'l-Qasim Kashani; Ayatullah Sayyid Muhsin al-Hakim; Ayatullah Shaykh Muhammad Husayn Kashif al-Ghita and Ayatullah Sayyid Muhammad Taqi Khwansari.   «۲۵»- Imam is referring to Ayatullah Sayyid Muhammad Tabataba'i Yazdi, the son of Ayatullah Muhammad Kazim Tabataba'i Yazdi. Sayyid Muhammad Tabataba'i was one of the famous `ulama' residing in Iraq and was the marja` of the Shi`ah there. He proclaimed jihad against the British in Iraq and was one of the leaders in the Iraqi uprising (۱۹۲۰) in which he himself was killed.   «۲۶»- Imam here is once again referring to Sayyid Muhammad Tabataba'i (see previous footnote). His father Sayyid Muhammad Kazim Tabataba'i Yazdi (d.۱۹۲۰) was one of the great Shi`ah `ulama' and maraji` and was a student of Mirza Hasan Shirazi. His most famous work is `Urwat al-Wuthqa. After the death of Mulla Muhammad Kazim Khorasani he attained the position of marja`iyyah (authority). As a marja` he issued a number of fatwas ordering his followers to resist the foreign imperialists. Consequently, at the time of the occupation of Iraq by the British and of Libya by the Italians, and the Russian and British invasion of Iran, it was the fatwas of this great clergyman which encouraged the people to free their lands from foreign occupation.   «۲۷»- Sayyid Muhammad Taqi Khwansari (۱۸۸۸-۱۹۵۲) was one of the great religious scholars of Iran. He studied the science of usoul under Ayatullah Akhound Khorasani and combined militancy with learning. He fought against the British occupiers of Iraq under the leadership of Mirza Muhammad Taqi Shirazi and spent a period in exile on the island of Hengam in the Persian Gulf. For a period of eight years (five years during the reign of Rida Khan and three years during that of Muhammad Rida Pahlavi) he administered the theological center in Qum alongside Ayatullah Sayyid Muhammad Hujjat and Ayatullah Haj Sadruddin Sadr, two great jurisprudents and theologians of the time. Ayatullah Khwansari struggled alongside Ayatullah Kashani in the movement for the nationalization of oil in Iran.   «۲۸»- Sayyid Abou'l-Hasan Isfahani (۱۸۵۸-۱۹۴۶) was educated initially in Isfahan but traveled to Iraq in ۱۸۸۹ to complete his education under the tuition of Akhound Mulla Muhammad Kazim Khorasani and Mirza Muhammad Taqi Shirazi. He attained the position of marja`iyyah in ۱۹۲۱. His `practical treatise'[ Risalah al-`Amaliyyah ]is known as Sirat an-Najah. He participated in the Iraqi revolution of ۱۹۲۰ as one of the leaders of the Shi`ah population and was banished from Iraq for a while.   «۲۹»- Mirza Muhammad Husayn Na`ini (۱۸۶۰-۱۹۳۶) was one of the great mujtahids and religious jurisprudents of the early twentieth century. He studied under Mirza Shirazi and proved to be one of the latter's most outstanding pupils. He played a crucial role in the progress of the constitutional movement, and was one of those Iranian maraji` residing in Iraq who was sent back to Iran after the Iraqi uprising of ۱۹۲۰. However, after six months he returned to Iraq and took up residency in Najaf. His most famous work is Tanbih al-Ummah wa Tanzih al-Milla which discusses Shi`ah political theory including government from the Islamic point of view and which he wrote at the beginning of the constitutional movement in Iran. He was famous for his eloquence of speech and his fine handwriting and is recognized as one of the great scholars of the science of usoul (principles of religion or dogmatic theology).   «۳۰»- `Ali Shahrestani was one of the famous Iranian mujtahids and one of the Shi`ah leaders during the Iraqi revolution of ۱۹۲۰. He was exiled to Iran by the British after their occupation of Iraq, and he spent the rest of his life in Bakhtaran (Kermanshah).   «۳۱»- Khalisi was one of the Shi`ah religious scholars and a leader of the movement in Iraq against the British occupation of that country. In ۱۹۲۲, the Iraqi monarch King Faysal banished more than forty of the Shi`ah `ulama' from Iraq. Ayatullah Khalisi was sent into exile in the Hijaz for ordering a boycott of the elections and for suspected opposition to the heads of Iraq. His expulsion from Iraq sparked strong opposition from the `ulama' and Muslim people of Iran, such that the Iranian government was compelled to hold talks with British and Iraqi officials to try to persuade them to allow Ayatullah Khalisi to travel to Iran from the Hijaz and the other `ulama' to return to Iraq. The Iranian government was successful in its efforts, but as Ayatullah Khalisi stepped onto Iranian soil at Boushehr, he was killed by a follower of the British. His works consist of Al-`Anawin fi'l-Usoul and Mukhtasar ar-Rasa'il wa'l-Wusoul ila Kifayat al-Usoul.   «۳۲»- In September ۱۹۲۷, Rida Shah issued a decree which implicitly prohibited the clergy from carrying out some of their duties and from involvement in the country's affairs. His decree was in fact a declaration of war against the clergy. First reactions came when protests against the military service law were held by the people of Isfahan and about one hundred `ulama' and mujtahids of Isfahan, together with a group of other inhabitants of that city, traveled en masse to Qum. The" Qum migrants" as they became known, were led by one Haj Aqa Nourullah Rouhani. Upon arrival in Qum, the migrants called on the `ulama' and maraji` from across the country to join them in Qum in their show of opposition. About seven hundred clergymen responded to their call. Contemporaneous with this event, people in different Iranian cities held anti-government demonstrations. The spread of this opposition to his new policies compelled Rida Khan to respond. He sent some of his representatives along with his Prime Minister and Court Minister to Qum to speak with Haj Aqa Nourullah and the other `ulama'. Eventually, the government was forced to give in to the migrants' demands which included a review of the military service law; the selection of five `ulama' to take seats in the Parliament and the appointment of an overseer of Islamic laws in the towns and cities of Iran. However, Haj Aqa Nourullah, who had stipulated that the migrants would return to Isfahan only when their conditions were met and officially ratified, died under mysterious circumstances during the night of December ۲۵,۱۹۲۷. Subsequently, with the death of their leader, the protesters dispersed, returning to their respective home towns. Refer to Tarikh-e Bist Saleh-ye Iran, vol.۴, p.۳۹۶ and Nihdat-e Rouhaniyyoun-e Iran, vol.۲, p.۱۵۷.   «۳۳»- After the enforcement of Rida Khan's decree requiring everyone to wear uniform dress and the Islamic veils of women to be removed, the `ulama' in Khorasan rose in revolt. In order to suppress the uprising, Rida Khan ordered his agents to attack the protesters who had gathered at the mosque of Gauhar Shad in the city of Mashhad. A great number of innocent people were massacred in this incident and about one hundred clergymen and other influential people were arrested. Some of the great `ulama' of the time, such as Aqa Sayyid Younus Ardebili and Aqazadeh were taken to Tehran to stand trial. See Nihdat-e Rouhaniyyoun-e Iran, vol.۲, p.۱۶۵.    «۳۴»- Mirza Muhammad (Aqazadeh) Najafi Khorasani (۱۸۷۷-۱۹۳۸) the son of Akhound Khorasani began his studies with his father and received the authorization for becoming a mujtahid from him. In ۱۹۰۷, he left Najaf for Khorasan in Iran and took up residence in Mashhad where he taught usoul and fiqh for a while. He was a staunch supporter of the constitutional movement and with the rise to power of Rida Khan and the establishment of his despotic rule, he continued struggling against oppression and called upon the people to rise up against the first Pahlavi monarch. After the barbaric events at Gauhar Shad Mosque in Mashhad, Khorasani was arrested and sentenced to death. However, measures taken by those at the Najaf theological school forced Rida Khan's regime to commute his sentence. Consequently, he was held in prison for a while and upon his release he was expelled from Mashhad and forced to move to Tehran. There his home was kept under constant surveillance. It is believed that he died at the hands of one Doctor Ahmadi who killed him while treating him for an illness. His body was laid to rest at the shrine of `Abdul-`Azim. Some of his most notable works are Kitab al-Qada; Ash-Shahadat and Mabhath al-Fazz. Refer to Tarikh-e Bist Saleh-ye Iran, vol.۶, p.۲۵۲.   «۳۵»- Sayyid Younus Ardebili (۱۸۷۶-۱۹۵۹) was one of the famous Shi'`ah maraji`. He left his place of birth (Ardebil) for Zanjan to study fiqh and usoul under Akhound Mulla Qurban `Ali Zanjani, and rational sciences [`uloum al-ma`qoul] under Akhound Mulla Sabz `Ali Hakim. In ۱۸۹۲, he traveled to Najaf where he attended the theological centre studying under notable instructors. He later moved to Karbala to study with Mirza Shirazi the second, eventually returning to Ardebil in ۱۹۱۶. In ۱۹۲۳, at the time of the struggle against Rida Khan, Sayyid Younus went to Mashhad. Following events at the Gauhar Shad Mosque, he was arrested and sent to Ardebil. In ۱۹۳۸, he once again returned to Mashhad where he began teaching. He died there not long after his return. His body is buried in the Dar as-Sa`adat at the shrine of Imam Rida (`a). He is famous for authoring such books as Dawreh-ye Kamil-e Fiqh and Risalat dar Qa'idah ladarar. Refer to the Encyclopedia of Shi`ism and Tarikh-e Bist Saleh-ye Iran.   «۳۶»- One of the freedom movements during the despotic reign of Rida Khan was that of the `ulama' of the Iranian province of Azerbaijan. This movement was led by Mirza Sadiq Aqa and Angaji, two of the great religious jurisprudents [fuqaha] and maraji` of the people of Azerbaijan. In order to suppress the movement, Rida Khan sent these two theologians first to Kurdistan and then to Qum. Angaji was able to return to Tabriz after a while, but Sadiq Aqa remained in exile in Qum until the end of his life.   «۳۷»- Mirza Sadiq, the great religious jurisprudent [faqih] and marja` of the people of Azerbaijan province, resided in Tabriz. He was one of the great theologians and mujtahids of the Shi`ah during the first half of the twentieth century.   «۳۸»- Mirza Abou'l-Hasan Angaji (۱۸۶۲-۱۹۳۷) the son of Sayyid Muhammad Shaykh Shari`at was one of the religious jurisprudents and maraji` of Tabriz. He studied under Haj Mirfattah Sarabi and Mirza Mahmoud Usouli in Tabriz until ۱۸۸۴ when he went to Najaf to study under Fadil Irvani, Haj Mirza Habibullah Roshani and Aqa Shaykh Muhammad Hasan Mamqani. Four years later, toward the end of ۱۸۸۸, he returned to Tabriz and began teaching. In ۱۹۳۳, he was arrested and sent into exile first in Sanandaj and then in Qum. He died in Tabriz in ۱۹۳۷. His works include Kitab-e Hajj and Hashiyeh bar Riyad.   «۳۹»- Muhammad Taqi Bahar known as Malik ash-Shu`ara' was a great Iranian poet and scholar. During the Constitutional Revolution, he was one of the friends and followers of Sayyid Hasan Mudarris. His revolutionary essays and poems written at the time of Rida Khan's suppression were the cause of his incarceration and banishment from one town to another on many occasions. Bahar was elected to the Parliament on several occasions.   «۴۰»- In May ۱۹۱۱, the Iranian government recruited sixteen American financial experts- headed by Morgan Shuster- to reorganize the tax administration in the country. The Russians were strongly opposed to the presence of the Shuster mission in Iran and in October of the same year they threatened to occupy northern Iran if Shuster, who was seen to be treading on Russia's toes, were not brought to heel. In November the Russians introduced fresh troops into the country and made further demands that: the Shuster mission be dismissed; the appointment of other foreigners be made subject to British and Russian consent and an indemnity be paid to the expeditionary force which had occupied Anzali and Rasht near the northern Iranian border! They threatened to occupy Tehran without further ado unless these demands were met within forty-eight hours. The ultimatum was discussed in a meeting of the Second National Assembly on December ۱,۱۹۱۱ and was met with strong opposition from Ayatullah Mudarris in particular, whose brave stance in the face of the threatening ultimatum encouraged other members of the Assembly to oppose it. Three hundred women marched into the public galleries with pistols hidden under their long veils, and threatened to shoot any deputy willing to submit to the Russian ultimatum. Angry demonstrators attacked the city trams that were partly owned by the Russians, and a huge crowd, described by one eyewitness as the" largest up to that point in Iranian history," gathered outside the parliament building shouting," Independence or Death". However, Premier Samsam as-Saltanah, along with the regent (of Ahmad Shah who was still a minor), the Cabinet and Yeprem Khan with his fighters from the Caucasus, decided to accept the ultimatum to avoid a Russian occupation of the capital. As the Prime Minister accepted the Russian demands and as the regent accused the deputies of acting unconstitutionally, Yeprem Khan barred shut the doors of Parliament and the Second National Assembly was dissolved. See Ervan Abrahamian, Iran Between Two Revolutions, pp. ۱۰۸-۱۱۰ and Tarikh-e Bist Saleh-ye Iran.   «۴۱»- Nearly fifty-three clergymen were arrested and imprisoned during the bloody events of June ۵,۱۹۶۳ [Khordad ۱۵,۱۳۴۲ AHS].   «۴۲»- It refers to Ayatullah Muntaziri.   «۴۳»- This was Safwan ibn `Umayyah, one of the leaders of the unbelievers who, upon the Prophet's triumphant return to Mecca in ۶۳۰ CE, fled the city for Jeddah from where he hoped to go on to Yemen. `Umayr ibn Wahb approached the Prophet and told him of Safwan ibn `Umayyah's flight, saying:" Oh Messenger of God, Safwan is one of the elders of this city who because of his fear of you has fled to Jeddah to throw himself at the mercy of the sea. Grant him quarter." The Messenger of God replied:" It is granted." `Umayr ibn Wahb then said:" Oh Messenger of God, give me a token that I may take to him so that he will believe he has been granted amnesty." The Prophet handed him the turban he had worn upon his head when he had entered Mecca after the city had surrendered to him. `Umayr took it and set off to Jeddah. He arrived there just as Safwan was about to board a ship. Safwan returned with him to Mecca and went to the Prophet and said:" This man tells me that you have granted me quarter." The Prophet replied:" That is so." Safwan ibn `Umayyah said:" Grant me a two-month respite. The Prophet answered:" I will grant you a four-month respite."   «۴۴»- Abou Sufyan was one of the aristocratic and influential figures of the Quraysh tribe during the Age of Ignorance (before the dawn of Islam). It is said that he was an exciter of discord and was either the instigator of each disagreement which occurred among the Quraysh or played an active role in the dissension. According to one narrative, he lost the sight of both his eyes during the course of two battles. Abou Sufyan opposed the Prophet and the message of Islam until the defeat of Mecca in ۶۳۰ CE when he embraced Islam and was granted amnesty by the Prophet. He died circa ۶۵۱ or ۶۵۴ CE.   «۴۵»- After his victory in the Battle of Hunayn, the Prophet gave most of the spoils to the Quraysh and the Meccans for he knew that this would reconcile them to Islam. However, the Ansar (the helpers, the epithet given to the Medinans who helped Muhammad after his migration to Medina) received only a small portion of the booty and this caused them much discontent. When the Prophet of God was informed of their objections, he gathered them together and said:" Are you now upset over a small amount of the wealth of this world that I have used to reconcile some hearts and thus strengthen Islam and you don't consider important the great blessings that God has bestowed upon you and the fact that he has guided you to Islam? Oh Ansar, are you not content that some take with them camels and sheep while you take with yourselves the Messenger of God? I swear by God in whose hands lies my life that if the people had all gone along one path and the Ansar along another, I would have gone along the path of the Ansar. And had I not migrated here, I would still have been one of the Ansar. Oh God, grant forgiveness to the Ansar and the sons of the Ansar and their grandsons." These words of the Prophet had such an effect on the hearts of the Ansar that they began to weep aloud. Their shaykhs and leaders stood up before him and kissed his hands and feet. Then they said:" We are content with God the Almighty and with your mission and are happy with this portion." Refer to Kitab al-Irshad (The Book of Guidance) by Shaykh al-Mufid translated by I.K.A. Howard, p.۹۰; The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates by Hugh Kennedy pp. ۴۳-۴۴ and Tafsir al-Mizan, vol.۱۸, p.۶۲.   «۴۶»- The Americans.   «۴۷»- According to a United Nations report, while millions of people in developing countries were dying from malnutrition because of the shortage of food, America decided not to cultivate millions of hectares of farmland in order to stop the decrease in the price of agricultural commodities. America controls the distribution and price of wheat by destroying it (throwing it into the sea) or preventing its cultivation. See The Food Crisis, p.۱۶.   «۴۸»- By way of example one can cite the Iranian Society for the Defense of Freedom and Human Rights affiliated to the International Committee for Human Rights in America, the Assembly of Iranian Writers and the Assembly of Attorneys. Two months before the present speech, Iranian writers, academics and politicians issued a statement in which, without mentioning the Shah's name, they called for the government to act according to the constitutional law and for the rights and freedom of the people to be respected. Refer to Zendegi-ye Siyasi-ye Imam Khomeini [The Political Life of Imam Khomeini], p.۳۶۶.   «۴۹»- The Shah.   «۵۰»- Jimmy Carter, the Democrat candidate in the US presidential elections, was voted in as the new American President over his rival from the Republican Party on November ۳,۱۹۷۶ [Aban ۱۲,۱۳۵۵ AHS]. He took office on January ۲۰,۱۹۷۷ [Dey ۳۰,۱۳۵۵ AHS] espousing defense of human rights as one of the main planks of his platform. This may have been a customary gesture expected by the audience at home, but the reasoning behind the emphasis on human rights was prompted by other objectives too, among them the need to: improve America's image, particularly in the wake of the brutal events of the Korean and Vietnamese wars, and mollify the still strong global anti-US feelings brought about by those events; increase the propaganda against and psychological pressure on the Kremlin and attract disgruntled Russian elements to the American side; and to place US-installed or backed dictators in a favorable light by making them appear to be making strides toward the improvement of human rights and the democratization of their countries and thus meriting further US support or aid- in this way, the US government hoped to prevent uprisings against dictators in its client states and thereby secure its own interests in the various regions of the world. Throughout the presidential campaign, the Shah had put his support and oil money firmly behind the Republican candidate, Gerald Ford. The Shah's ambassador in London wrote in his diary on August ۸ that the Shah" fears that Jimmy Carter may have `Kennedy-type pretensions' and would much prefer to see Ford re-elected."(p.۲۳ of Parviz Radji's In the Service of the Peacock Throne, The Diaries of the Shah's Last Ambassador to London). In his many years of dealing with US Presidents, the Shah had found his despotic nature and policies were less censured by the Republicans than the Democrats. This was confirmed throughout the ۱۹۷۶ campaign when the Democrats criticized the torture and political repression which was increasingly becoming more commonplace under the Shah in Iran and used his abuse of human rights to discredit the Republicans in their support of him. Upon assuming office, Carter, confident in the stability of the Shah's regime, placed Iran at the top of the list of those countries which were expected to at least put on a show of liberalization and present some modicum of respect for human rights (although, as was to be seen, Carter would in no way allow abuse of the latter to stand in the way of US lucrative ties with Iran). Hoveyda was then dismissed from office and Jamshid Amouzegar took his place. A Society for the Defense of Human Rights was formed by some of the more moderate elements of the opposition. The administrating body of this society comprised of Mahdi Bazargan, Hasan Nazi, `Ali Asghar, Haj Sayyid Jawadi, Ahmad Sadr Haj Sayyid Jawadi, Rahmatullah Muqaddam Maraghi'i, Lahiji and Minachi.   «۵۱»- Initial doubts which hung over the future course of US-Iran relations upon the new President assuming office were cleared up when in November ۱۹۷۷ the Shah traveled to Washington to seek further support for his regime from the Carter administration. Carter had earlier approved billions of dollars worth of military sales to Iran signaling that no drastic change in the relationship was to come about even in the light of scant improvement in Iran's human rights record. Gary Sick in his book All Fall Down, p.۷۸ says:" The tone of policy in Washington had changed sharply from the days of Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger, but the emphasis was definitely on gentle persuasion, not heavy pressure or fundamental shifts of alliances. If that was not evident to the Shah prior to his arrival, there could have been little doubt in his mind after the nearly five hours of face-to-face meetings with President Carter on November ۱۵ and ۱۶."


امام خمینی (ره)؛ 10 آبان 1356
 

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